About five years ago the insightful author of the BoereVolkstaat [ www.volkstaat.net ] web site started to post a few chapters from the im...
Let me see if I get this. The SA government via Crime Intelligence could entrap a bunch of concerned citizens in the “Boeremag” saga, keep...
The following article by Adriana Stuijt gives a lot of insight into the African mindset, especially those in political or other power posit...
Not too long ago I found a few images online of an English version of the notable book Boerestaat by long time Boer Republican activist Robe...
There is a lot of confusion as to the origin of the term Afrikaner as well as general ignorance to how this term has been used & appli...
Saturday, 28 February 2009
Tuesday, 24 February 2009
from Johann @ The Right Perspective
Johnnie Cilliers describes finding his father
Digital Journal reported in the week that yet another white Afrikaner farm dweller was tortured and killed, bringing the death toll for this ethnic European minority to 3,037 since the ANC democracy ended Apartheid rule in 1994.
Mr Stephanus (Doppie) Cilliers (66) and his son Johnnie Cilliers, a sheep farmer from Bronkhorstspruit, lived in homes on the same agricultural smallholding. Mr Cilliers (sr.) was also a lawyer and very well known in the nearby town of Cullinan where he practised.
Mr Johnnie Cilliers was deeply traumatised after finding his dad tortured and murdered. He burst into tears as he described to Afrikaans journalist Viginia Keppler of Beeld how he first “ran up and down like a madman” after finding his tied-up dad lying in the blood-smeared hallway near the front door. His hands and feet were hogtied together. It was clear that he had been killed in a very cruel manner. He was strangled and also shot in the upper body.
Johnnie Cilliers said that he was very close to his dad. They often used to do stuff together, like going horseback riding.
Johan Paulsen, a lawyer and colleague of Doppie Cilliers for more than 15 years, said that all the staff at the Cullinan court was plunged into grief and shock over the horrific death of a much-loved colleague. Paulsen described the staff as one big family and told of his utter shock at learning of his friend’s death while busy in court.
Since the end of slavery and the period during the fight by Africans for independence from colonial rule, Africans had been imbued by a renewed sense of consciousness of their being and blackness. The struggle for liberation from the shackles of colonialism was primarily premised on the innate struggle for psychological emancipation from mental slavery, acknowledging among us that there’s no humanity before that which starts with ourselves. We saw ourselves immunised against evil doctrines that suited the conveniences of our former colonial masters; confident that we were in full control of our destiny. It appears we may have possessed to some extent an inflated opinion about ourselves as accounts of history remain less flattering than we had hoped to write and portray.
The Economist in 2000 ran an editorial on Africa titled “The Hopeless Continent”. It took a cynical and mostly patronising view of the continent. Like every African, who sees the boundless potential of the continent, I was deeply perturbed by what I viewed as the deliberate stereotyping of Africans and an ingrained Afro-pessimism by those progenitors of vicious violence and prejudice — those who ravaged Africa and justified their atrocities by depicting Africans as sub-human.
But for much too long Africans have displaced their own responsibility and accountability for the miserable circumstances the continent finds itself in onto others. To this day African leaders at our endorsement are active participants in the systematic thuggery that continues to pillage the richness of our natural resources, compromising the aims for social betterment and economic freedom of our people. The scourge of corruption across the continent is stalling progress towards prosperity. After all endeavours for the renewal of Africa, the continent still remains a scar on the conscience of the world.
Not many scores of years ago Africa was portrayed as a continent of wild beasts and savage people. New York Herald reporter Henry Morton Stanley regaled his readers with unflattering accounts of Africans during his escapades across the continent. They were documented in his books Through the Dark Continent (1879) and In Darkest Africa (1890). Winston Churchill also in his account of the campaign in the Sudan and the Battle of Omdurman, in The River War (1899) said of Africans as displaying the virtues of barbarism; that “the smallness of their intelligence excused the degradation of their habits; [that] their ignorance secured their innocence”.
The opinion held by the West on Africans is not far removed from that which was espoused by this revered son of the British. We may wish to ascribe the permanence of such views to the entrenched and false notion of racial superiority but the truth remains that as Africans we continue to undo the greater good achieved by illustrious African leaders who left for us their footprints in the sand of time for us to follow. The struggles and self-sacrifice of Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere, Albert Luthuli, Nelson Mandela and many others have gone in vain. As Africans we remain resolute in our determination to reverse with remorseless regularity the gains achieved through years of hard toil and blood lost.
African governments subscribe themselves to noble principles of good and clean governance but their commitment can be found wanting. South Africa in particular has led the charge in spreading the gospel of anti-corruption across the continent and has remained the evangelist of such gospel with the African Union and SADC. Yet, in deed, our beloved country cannot be passed as exemplary, especially not with the current leadership to be ushered into power by the multitudes of desperate and poor South Africans. The ANC government has since 1994 committed itself to combating and preventing corruption in the public service. Certainly appropriate frameworks had been adopted but compliance remains unsatisfactory. The ruling party fails consistently to match its commendable gospel with its own deeds. Our perception of levels of corruption and seriousness in combating and preventing corruption are informed by the quality of those elevated to lead the charge of good and clean governance.
How then does the government win the confidence of the general public that its “three pronged approach” — prevention, public education and investigation/prosecution — remains an effective practice in the area of anti-corruption when the candidate for the presidency is alleged to have committed serious counts of corruption? When the ruling party disbands effective organs such as the Directorate of Special Operations, which was established to combat and prevent corruption? When the ruling party openly appoints convicted crooks and self-confessed crooks to prominent leadership positions? How do we as Africans, as South Africans, say we are committed to improving the image of the country and the continent when we support crooks and reward them with re-election? If we are to proceed on such path of self-destruction, we may never take our rightful place among the community of nations as a respected and equal partner.
Speaking at the National War College in Abuja, Nigeria, in 2003, Thabo Mbeki said: “Those that only see hopelessness on our continent do so because of the sort of things that we referred to earlier: a succession of military coups, wars and violent confrontations, the massacres of people and genocide such as the one that took place in Rwanda, the denial of human rights and the abuse of political power for corrupt purposes … As Africans we need to share a common recognition that all of us stand to lose if we fail to transform our continent into a more caring, humane and renewed entity.”
We are our own worst enemies. The scourge of crime in the country has escalated to intolerable proportions because communities harbour and sympathise with criminals, because the poor have allowed themselves to be seduced by the lure of social grants by corrupt and crooked politicians. How do we restore the respectable virtues of noble propriety, grace and morality? It requires no more than that common and ordinary degree of sensibility and self-command as well as vigilance against men of improper constitution and tainted integrity that wish to be commanders of our destiny.
The smoothness of the road to respectable virtues and prosperity depends on our willingness and commitment to be the architects of change that we seek for ourselves. Africans, you’re on your own!
Thursday, 19 February 2009
These were the words of a shocked Johnnie Cilliers, 41, a sheep farmer from Bronkhorstspruit, as he tearfully related how he found the body of his father, a local lawyer.
Stephanus (Doppie) Cilliers, 66, had lived on the same smallholding as his son.
"I had to take my father to the Cullinan court at about 08:00 because he had lent his pickup to my sister. When I arrived at the house, the front door was shut but not locked."
Johnnie called out to his father, but got no answer. He pushed open the front door.
"My father was lying inside the front door. There was blood around his body."
Stephanus had been shot in the upper body, his hands and feet were tied and it is suspected that he had also been strangled. He was clad only in the trousers he had worn the previous day.
A quiet seven years
"We've never had any incidents on the smallholding in the past seven years."
Johnnie said he had heard the dogs bark the night before, but hadn't suspected anything because the dogs often barked.
"I am my father's only son and we were very close. We always went horse riding and did many things together," a visibly upset Johnnie said.
Johan Paulsen, 42, a lawyer and Stephanus's colleague of more than 15 years, said: "I was in court when I heard that my friend had been murdered. I am deeply shocked. We are like family at the Cullinan court."
He said he and Stephanus had chatted about cricket and other things on Friday. Stephanus had done most of his work at this court.
Police spokesperson Johannes Jafta said Stephanus's cellphone, a gun and a hunting rifle were missing.
On Monday, the police were combing the house where the murder had taken place, looking for clues that could lead them to the murderers.
They were following tracks behind Stephanus's house. A police helicopter was used to take aerial photographs of the smallholding and fingerprints had been taken from the house.
In his superb analysis of how we got into the mess we’re in, Brian Pottinger writes in The Mbeki Legacy (Zebra 2008) of the possibility that South Africa could descend into what he describes as a “fully- fledged gangster state”.
Pottinger, who was editor of the Sunday Times when it wasn’t run by a committee of outsiders, relates how corruption in many liberated African states has become so entrenched as to form what he calls a “proxy state” which operates alongside and often in collaboration with the formal state.
As society adapts to this way of getting things done it becomes increasingly difficult to root it out. Pottinger explains the difference which then arises between what the sociologist Peter Berger describes as “good” and “bad” corruption.
Pottinger explains that if, for example, a licensing official took R100 to facilitate the registration of one’s car and then took the fee of, say, R230 and paid it over to the state, then the cost to society of the corruption was R100. That’s “good” corruption. However, if the official took the R100 and did not charge one the state’s fee of R230 then the corruption “cost R230 more than the cost of the corruption”. That’s “bad” corruption.
He adds: “Cumulatively, then, the surplus over the cost of corruption equals the billions of dollars that have been stolen in post- colonial Africa and which has led to its marginalisation for decades.”
Man is infinitely adaptable, so as corruption becomes a way of life it poses an awful dilemma for any government taking a stance against it once it has taken hold. Pottinger writes: “If the government reduces the proxy state, it courts the certain consequence of a further decline in service output.”
In other words, without corruption to oil the wheels in a corrupt state, service delivery slows down, corrupt officials demand more pay and taxes rise. However, if the state allows corruption to grow, as has happened throughout the continent, “it cedes greater influence and power to external authority and (in South Africa’s case) further challenges the way in which it has implemented its affirmative action policies”.
A decisive step on the path to gangster status for our country is surely the decision to close down the Scorpions just, as Pottinger writes, they are “poised to proceed against the highest and the mightiest in the country’s political and administrative spheres”.
It sometimes seems that criminal behaviour, far from being a cause for regret and shame, is almost a badge of honour in the African National Congress. Remember how Tony Yengeni was fêted by ANC luminaries when he delivered himself into the care of Correctional Services.
Even the then-Speaker of the House, a position, surely, demanding an exquisite sense of what is appropriate, was there to cheer on the hero as he entered prison to serve time for accepting an arms deal bribe. She is now our deputy President which probably means that, escorted by fleets of blue light limos, she won’t have to cheat to get a driver’s licence as she once did.
And it certainly does not end there. We have the many Travelgate criminals who abused taxpayers’ money for their personal and family benefits.
More recently, there is the matter of that farcical parliamentary committee reviewing (ha, ha) the decision of President Kgalema Motlanthe to fire Vusi Pikoli, suspended head of the National Prosecuting Authority who had the temerity to want to charge suspended police chief Jackie Selebi, dear friend of the execrable Glen Agliotti . This committee, dominated, of course, by the ANC, has selected one Oupa Monareng as its co-chairman.
Now, there is hardly a South African driver who hasn’t been asked for a bribe by a traffic cop. Monareng, however, actually offered a bribe to an officer who had apprehended the eminent parliamentarian driving a stolen BMW in 1996. His guilt was established in court but here he is, shamelessly striding the public platform, egged on by his ANC comrades.
Wednesday, 18 February 2009
The arrest on Friday of Zimbabwe's new deputy-agriculture Minister, the white farmer Roy Bennett, has caused widespread anger in the town of Mutare, where he is denied food by the police, said Mutare mayor Brian James. A crowd outside demands his release.
Bennett, is an English-speaking farmer who joined Zimbabwe's new premier, Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), years ago and has campaigned for him very actively for years. Bennett was arrested by Mugabe's North Korean-trained security agents just as the new cabinet was preparing to take office, the premier's chief secretary Ian Makone confirmed.
Bennett was trying to flee
Bennett was trying to escape from Zimbabwe shortly before the swearing-in ceremony was to start, after he had been warned that he was going to be arrested. The newly-sworn in premier, Morgan Tsvangirai, who had also heard persistent rumours to this effect, warned his friend to go back to South Africa, so Bennett had rented a private plane to do so - and the plane was already on the runway, when its pilot was ordered by radio to return to the terminal.
Afrikaans journalists from the newspaper Beeld were told by a member of the commercial agricultural union, who was seeing Bennett off, that he witnessed it, describing it as a 'kidnapping by guys in civilian clothes'.
"Bennett's light plane was on the runway, idling, just ready to take off, when we saw these guys in civilian clothes, which we recognised as specific members of the security police, drag him out of the plane and kidnap him.'
The farmer followed Bennett's kidnappers for about two hours - but lost them near the infamous Chikurubi prison. Tshvangirai's spokesman has meanwhile managed to trace Bennett to the Ma'rondera police station - where Mugabe's party cadres are running a torture camp nearby. see
Reports from Movement for Democratic Change party headquarters also confirmed that Bennett is now being denied food in the Ma'rondera police station cells and that police fired shots to try and disperse the angry crowd which gathered out the police station when the news got out. They demand Bennett's immediate release. James said he has been negotiating with the police to give at least give the elderly white man some food, but the police have repeatedly refused to do so. The mood outside is growing ugly, he said.
Zimbabwe has been plunged into widespread famine, with more than three-quarters of its population receiving food-aid from the UN aid agencies. Church leaders say that the country has been plunged into a 'slow genocide' by dictator Robert Mugabe, who refused to relinquish his office even after the MDC had won the last election. After nearly a year of negotiations, an agreement was reached for a new 'unity' cabinet which was sworn in on Friday. Bennett's shock arrest by Mugabe's storm-troopers now has now thrown a dark shadow over the viability of this latest so-called 'government'. see
James said they had brought food to the police station for Bennett, but the police adamantly refuse to give it to him.
Zimbabwe also is in the middle of a widening cholera epidemic, which has already killed more than 1,000 people, and the crowd of supporters outside fear that he may be tortured there. They fear for his health and his security, demanding his immediate release. see
Three years of self-imposed exile
Tsvangirai had named Bennett to become the deputy minister of agriculture in the new coalition Cabinet. Bennett's arrest delayed the swearing-in ceremony when he failed to turn up. Two hours after the set date, government officials were still waiting at the presidential mansion with no indication of whether the ceremony would proceed. Eventually, when word of Bennett's shock arrest reached the group of officials, the swearing-in ceremony proceeded.
It was conducted in a very grim atmosphere. Bennet had returned just last month from three years of self-imposed exile in South Africa, where he had fled to escape charges of plotting to kill Mugabe. Friday he was taken into police custody and charged with attempting to leave the country illegally, but the charge was later changed to treason, according to his party.
Bennett has been in a Zimbabwe prison before: where he was also tortured during his incarceration by Mugabe's North-Korean-trained secret police.
His Charleswood farm was expropriated by Mugabe in 2003, and the following year he was jailed for eight months for assault after he punched the then-justice minister during a heated debate in parliament on the land appropriation programme. Bennett's lawyer said he is expected in court Monday. see
Bennett was arrested on Friday on the day that President Robert Mugabe was swearing in a new unity government and was supposed to be sworn in as the new deputy agriculture minister next week.
Trust Maanda, Bennett’s lawyer, says Bennett is facing 'regurgitated' charges of sedition which he will deny on Monday -- after an arms cache was allegedly discovered in Mutare three years ago. Several MDC officials were arrested and accused of plotting to assassinate President Mugabe but were later released when the case was discredited. The very same charges have been resuscitated and employed against Bennett.
Maanda said Bennett would deny the charges when given the opportunity to sign a warned and cautioned statement on Monday. Analysts have cautioned that his arrest has cast doubts over Zanu-PF’s sincerity to the new deal.
The arrest was a test for Tsvangirai, who had hesitated to join the government for fear he would be in the position of having to answer increasingly desperate calls by Zimbabweans for help, with little power to affect change. Bennett's "safety was guaranteed by the South African and Zimbabwean governments", Tsvangirai said on Saturday. "His arrest ... raises a lot of concerns.
"It undermines the spirit of our agreement. It is very important to maintain the momentum of our agreement."
But Tsvangirai called for patience: "I must say, we have to budget for some residual resistance from those who see this deal as a threat to their interest."
We know dear. Welcome into the light.
Durban - The ANC has degenerated into a "madhouse", said eThekwini ANC councillor Lungi Cele on Monday as she announced her defection to the Congress of the People (Cope).
"The movement that was once renowned for its high level of discipline has degenerated into a madhouse as, day in day out, senior leaders of the ANC unashamedly and publicly tarnish the image of other comrades who do not subscribe to the populist ideology," said Cele.
The councillor, who was speaking at a media briefing in Durban, had been a member of the ruling party for the past 19 years.
"Since 2005 we have witnessed foreign behaviour in our movement... Greed and hunger for power have become the order of the day in the ANC," she said.
"If one occupies a public office and does not succumb to the (Jacob) Zuma personality cult, they are insulted and easily edged out, paving the way for those... dancing to the correct tune."
'Castigated for not being 100% Zuma'
Cele said ANC members were "castigated" if they were not 100% Zuma.
"This is done with the purpose of dispensing patronage and those affirmed in this fashion are expected to return the favour by siphoning monies from the State coffers and divert[ing] them towards the Zuma course," she said.
Cele described the eThekwini municipality as being run in a "mafia style".
"This presents a serious danger to our democracy. Although this is known to the leadership, very little is done to curb it since it helps strengthen the Zuma camp," she continued.
"Internal democracy has collapsed in the ANC. For the past few years, I have been treated as a leper since I decided to back Comrade Thabo Mbeki to be elected ANC president for the third time.
"This despite the fact that I was exercising my democratic right as enshrined in the ANC Constitution," she revealed.
Cele believed these were signs that a dictatorship had taken over.
"You shall support one person and one person only. This is against the principles and foundations on which this movement was founded and flies in the face of democratic efforts of our forefathers like John Dube, Albert Luthuli and Oliver Tambo," she said.
"I therefore took a decision that I will not fold my arms when our democracy is severely under threat.... Today, I am heeding the call by patriots to join a movement that will best represent the aspirations of democracy-loving people."
She called on South Africans to vote with their minds and not their heart by voting for Cope.
Cele said Cope was the only party that could stop South Africa from becoming another African "success story gone wrong".
Cope spokesperson Siyanda Mhlongo said they were happy with their new member.
Sunday, 15 February 2009
Zimbabwe’s three-day-old unity Government was in crisis today after agents of Robert Mugabe arrested one of Morgan Tsvangirai’s designated ministers and charged him with treason — and with chaos erupting at the swearing-in of the new Cabinet when the President’s Zanu (PF) group tried to grab seven extra posts.
Hours earlier, Mr Tsvangirai, the new Prime Minister, had blithely dismissed Western alarm about his decision to enter the unity Government with Mr Mugabe. “You are too paranoid about Mugabe,” he told The Times in an exclusive interview.
Tonight, however, Western diplomats said that the day’s events had confirmed their worst fears. “This is not power-sharing, it’s a power struggle,” one said. “Someone is saying, ‘We’re still boss. It’s our country. We don’t have to make concessions’.”
The drama began when Roy Bennett, a popular former MP in the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) who is due to become Deputy Agriculture Minister, was seized after secret police stopped his charter aircraft as it taxied at a small Harare airport.
Mr Bennett, 52, who was flying to Johannesburg to spend the weekend with his wife, was bundled into a car and driven to a police station 25 miles away, followed by MDC security men.
Mr Bennett was later taken to the eastern city of Mutare where, according to the MDC, he was charged with treason. “These charges are scandalous, vexatious and without basis in law,” the MDC said in a statement.
Police fired shots in the air to disperse hundreds of opposition supporters who had gathered outside the police station where he was being held.
Mr Bennett is a former coffee farmer whose land was seized in 2003. He fled to South Africa in 2005 when the intelligence services tried to arrest him over charges of plotting to assassinate Mr Mugabe.
He returned two weeks ago to endorse Mr Tsvangirai’s decision to enter a unity Government, and the secret police had been hunting him for the past few days.
As Mr Bennett was being arrested, Mr Mugabe arrived at State House in Harare to swear in the Cabinet, clutching a list of 21 Zanu (PF) ministers — seven more than agreed by southern Africa leaders. Frantic haggling ensued, with President Motlanthe of South Africa trying to mediate.
There were reports of fistfights in the Zanu (PF) camp, with politicians who have shamelessly enriched themselves in office refusing to give up their posts. In the end, Zanu (PF) gained two ministers and the MDC one, boosting the Cabinet from 31 to 34 members. The ceremony started two hours late — but, somehow, 36 ministers were eventually sworn in.
Almost all the new Zanu (PF) ministers are hardliners with records of brutality and corruption, and no demonstrable interest in reconciliation with a party that they sought ruthlessly to crush over the past decade. Emmerson Mnangagwa, who helped to orchestrate the slaughter of 20,000 civilians in Matabeleland in the 1980s, got the defence portfolio; Sydney Sekeramayi, the former Defence Minister who set the army on MDC activists during last year’s elections, is in charge of state security. Kembo Mohadi remains the Home Affairs Minister in charge of the police — a force he has turned into an instrument of repression.
In his interview, Mr Tsvangirai acknowledged “residual resistance” to the new Government from Zanu (PF) hardliners and military chiefs but insisted that there was a “high degree of confidence building up” between himself and Mr Mugabe, and that Zimbabwe’s new course was “irreversible”.
He appealed to the three million educated Zimbabweans who have fled their country to consider returning. “It is the duty and responsibility of every Zimbabwean to contribute to the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the country,” he said. “This should inspire Zimbabweans to come home.”
Observers, however, saw the day’s events as evidence that Zanu (PF) is deeply divided over sharing power with the MDC. They believe that there is a group of hardliners and generals within Mr Mugabe’s party who are doing their utmost to derail the unity Government. They saw the group’s hand in Mr Bennett’s arrest and in the continued detention of 16 political activists held without charge for months.
At the same time, analysts believe that the debacle over ministerial posts showed the eruption of hostilities within Zanu (PF) as the party loses half its ministerial posts — and all the perks, privilege and patronage that went with them. “It’s going to be huge,” said one MDC senator. “You get hard currency at preferential rates, farms, luxury cars . . . and there’s a whole range of perks we don’t know about.”
Diplomats believe, increasingly, that Mr Mugabe is losing control of his party. “Mugabe is more and more out of this,” said one. Zanu (PF)’s infighting does not help Mr Tsvangirai as he tries to create a stable government capable of tackling the hunger, disease and economic collapse ravaging Zimbabwe. To do that, he told The Times, he needs about $100 million a month from the West — money that is “essential to kick-start the emergency programme we have designed”.
After today’s pandemonium, Western officials said that their skepticism had been amply vindicated. “It’s very hard to see any cause for optimism,” said one. “This is not a unity Government . . . we’re seeing Zanu (PF) red in tooth and claw.”
from English Rose blog:
Dutch MP Geert Wilders is "seriously considering" taking steps to sue Jacqui Smith over her decision to ban the controversial film-maker from the UK
The legal action would have the backing of the Dutch Government, in a move which could aggravate the diplomatic row over the ban between London and Amsterdam.
Mr Wilders said he was looking to take legal action against the Home Secretary for "blatant discrimination" in the High Court or International Court in the Hague.
The Dutch Politician and film maker was sent back to Holland on Thursday night after trying to enter Britain to show his anti Muslim film Fitna in the House of Lords.
Mr Wilders had been invited to Westminster by UKIP peer Lord Pearson to show is 17 minute film Fitna, which criticise the Koran as a "facist book".
Mr Wilders is being encouraged to sue the Government by Maxime Verhagen, the Dutch foreign minister who is still furious with the Home Office's decision.
He said he would back Wilders in a possible decision to bring a case against the British Government's "disgraceful decision".
Tuesday, 10 February 2009
Madame Speaker, Hon President.
(After the election some of us will be back to continue with the debates here, others will retire and others will not be re-elected again.) For five years, we as 400 Members of Parliament debated with each other like this.
My question is: Do we understand each other better after five years? Are the problems of the country after five years fewer or more?
In education it is estimated that every year 1,1 million children start grade 1. Last year only 590 000, approximately half of them, wrote matric. What happened to the other half of the children?
Crime: Only about 10% of all crimes committed in a year lead to a conviction. That mean 90% of all criminals walk free among us.
Justice system: On average only six cases are completed monthly in every court in South Africa. Regional courts sit on average only three and a half hours daily.
Are the problems of the country after five years fewer or more?
There are more problems and then I have not even mentioned service delivery, corruption, water pollution, Zimbabwe and Cholera.
Do we understand each other better after five years?
I do not think so.
The Mbeki years had high points but many low points. Some of the low points included the continued political attacks on whites. Attacks which blame the whites for all the government's mistakes; attacks which typified whites as disloyal; attacks which described whites as unpatriotic because they dared differ from government.
What do whites hear when the ANC in their newsletter and the State of the Nation Address talk of "accelerated implementation of affirmative action" and "Black Economic Empowerment"?
They hear that for a long time still to come they will be discriminated against on the basis of their race. They hear that their skills and contribution toward the development of this country is not needed.
I asked last year why South Africa is the economic giant of Africa? Is it because we have so many minerals?
No. Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have more minerals than South Africa.
Are we the economic giant of Africa because we can produce oil from coal? No. Sasol's little oil is a mere drop in the ocean in comparison with Nigeria 's huge amounts of oil.
Are we the economic giant because we have such good agricultural circumstances in South Africa?
No. All climate studies show that South Africa is a semi-dry desert country with few agricultural opportunities. Countries such as Mozambique , Zimbabwe and Malawi , with ample fertile land and consistent rainfall, have much better agricultural potential than South Africa .
Nigeria with its oil and Egypt with its tourism - are their economies not stronger than South Africa's?
No. South Africa is economically twice as strong as Nigeria and nearly three times as strong as Egypt. South Africa's economy is 80 times stronger than the average African country. In addition to that we have the best roads, power and telephone networks in Africa - nearly half of all tarred roads in Africa, are found in South Africa . (The DRC is twice the size of South Africa with 3 000 km tarred roads; South Africa has 73 000 km tarred roads. Nigeria has three times our population but only one tenth of our electrical power.)
If South Africa does not have the wealthiest minerals, the most oil or the best agricultural circumstances in Africa, why are we the economic giant in Africa ?
Because over many years black and white have each made their own unique contribution and in so doing developed South Africa . I am proud of this achievement and of Afrikaner's contribution to this.
Whites did not do it all on their own, but neither did blacks.
Have you recently been in Dubai ? The leaders of Dubai realize that oil will not fore evermore bring wealth. That is why they decided to make Dubai one of the best tourist destinations and investment markets in the world.
In the Dubai dessert they built an indoor skiing slope with fresh snow daily; they created a palm tree-shaped artificial island to broaden the number of beachside properties for development; they created water-worlds and the world's tallest building.
The Arabian leaders do not have the skills for all theses developments, but they do have the money. They use Arabian money, European architects, Malaysian engineers, Indian workers and Chinese building contractors to develop Dubai.
In South Africa the government is so caught up in political ideologies of affirmative action, black economic empowerment and all the restrictive labour legislation that it is impossible to copy Dubai.
As a result of this we are busy losing our position as economic giant of Africa . One example: South African farmers have always produced so much food that we were a food-exporting country. Last year, due to the government's land and agricultural policy, SA had for the first time became a food-importing country with nearly 20 000 commercial farmers that stopped farming because of this government's policies.
Unlike Dubai , the government is forcing skilled people out of the country through its political statements and affirmative action. The Congo and other African countries are now recruiting these farmers.
Another example: A couple of years ago I told president Mbeki of a young Afrikaner who had completed his doctorate degree in clinical psychology and had completed his community year in the Defence Force. When Minister Lekota asked that whites join the Defence Force, he applied to be appointed on a permanent basis in his position. It was refused as it would have skewed the Defence Force's affirmative action quotas. His post is, as far as I could establish, after several years still not filled. He had no other choice but to go and look for work somewhere else. In Britain , where he is presently working, they scooped him up. He is planning to return to South Africa and therefore wishes to participate in this year's election. There is a voting poll in London at the embassy.
But what message does the government send him? This government first sent him a message that they could do without his skills. Now the government is sending him a further message by fighting the court application. A message that they would do everything within their power to also take his right to vote away from him.
When the prisoners fought for their right to vote, this government did not oppose it. Now that South Africans living oversees want to vote, the government is opposing it. What message does it send to all South Africans oversees?
(When Dr. Buthulezi, as Minister of Home Affairs, took the Electoral Act and specifically section 33 to Cabinet, he proposed that all South Africans living oversees should vote. In the Cabinet, the ANC ministers changed it that some South Africans are allowed to vote oversees but not others.)
Against this injustice the FF Plus will now fight in the Constitutional court. I am happy to announce that the FF Plus this morning in the Pretoria High Court won their case about the right of oversees South African citizens to vote abroad.
As this court case proves, it is in South Africa 's interest that the ANC's 70% power monopoly and arrogance to force their will on everybody, is reduced. With this election it is possible. Responsible cooperation between opposition parties after the election can prevent the ANC from governing in all nine provinces.
The DA puts up posters with the slogan "Vote to win" and then the DA predicts that they will beat the ANC in this election in certain provinces on their own and that they will win the election of 2014 on their own. No opposition party will be able to win on their own. But such predictions make voters disillusioned and make them apathetic when it is proven to be wrong after the election.
The FF Plus's cooperation model proposes that opposition parties each participate in the election under their own party names and secure the maximum support from their niche markets. After the elections such parties then cooperate responsibly without one party being swallowed up by another party.
I clearly remember the picture on the TV in 2004 when president Mbeki and Mr. Zuma triumphantly announced the ANC's 70% election victory, their hands interlaced and raised above their heads. Mr. Lekota as number three in the ANC appeared on the TV with them.
No political commentator could have foreseen the situation between those three top ANC leaders could have changed so drastically by 2009, a mere five years later. If it could change so much in five years, how much could SA change politically in another five years?
As this court case has proven, it is in South Africa's interest that the ANC's 70% power monopoly is reduced. It is possible with this election. Responsible cooperation between opposition parties after the election can prevent the ANC from governing in all nine provinces.
 For such an economic comparison the GDP of the countries were compared with each other.
This is the prepared text of the speech by Freedom Front Plus leader, Dr Pieter Mulder, on the president's state of the nation address, February 9 2009
from I Luv SA blog
Notice how it is "us" when the ANC regime wants to apportion blame for the woeful state of affairs (pardon pun) that is Home Affairs, that has allowed the South African passport to become devalued even though "us" whiteys are prevented through affirmative action policies from seeking employment in Home Affairs.
Consider also that most visitors to the UK are white and through no doing of theirs, will be taking the brunt of the new restrictions. No sirree, this monumental bitch slap in the face from the UK is all your doing ANC.
"All of us should take responsibility" - Minister of Home Affairs Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula
Britain has imposed a visa requirement on South Africans wishing to visit that country, Home Affairs Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula announced in the National Assembly on Monday.
"I received formal communication from the UK government today [Monday]... informing me that... they have now decided to introduce a visa requirement for South African citizens," she told MPs, interrupting debate in the House on last week's State of the Nation address.
The imposition of a visa requirement is set to affect over 400,000 South Africans who visit the United Kingdom each year as tourists, on business, or in transit.
Mapisa-Nqakula said according to the communication she received from the British government, it had taken the decision "based on its concerns regarding the ease with which non-South Africans can acquire genuine SA travel documents" and use them to travel to the UK.
The South African government had accepted the decision. (like you had a choice)
"The South African government has accepted this decision and respects the prerogative of the UK government to take such a sovereign decision," she said.
Following her announcement, there was a shout of "It's an indictment!" from the opposition benches in the House. Mapisa-Nqakula replied: "It is an indictment, and I think... all of us should take responsibility for that."
The move to impose the visa requirement, to be implemented in stages from March, follows an official UK warning to the South African government six months ago to tighten up on issues including control of passports.
"Abuse of the South African passport remains a serious concern," the British High Commission in Pretoria said in a statement earlier on Monday afternoon.
"It has been one of the most abused passports detected at UK border posts."
It said South Africans featured "prominently" among passengers being refused entry on arrival in the UK.
In the last two years there had also been a significant increase in the number of South Africans working illegally or overstaying their leave to remain in the UK.
The commission said that from March 3, South African passport holders would require a visa in order to visit or transit the UK.
However until mid-2009, South Africans who had previously travelled to the UK on their current passport would be exempt from the requirement.
Visas are currently required only for other categories of entrants, including students and people working in the UK.
High Commissioner Paul Boateng said the new requirement was in no way a reflection of any deterioration in the UK's strong relationship with South Africa. (yeah riiight...)
"We are committed to continuing to welcome South Africans travelling for legitimate reasons to the UK," he said.
The commission said in the statement that the tightening of visa requirements was just one part of an ongoing exercise to "secure our borders".
Biometric capture of information, already in operation, would deter many of those who sought to enter the UK under an assumed identity or on fraudulently obtained South African documents.
South Africans would join the nearly 75 percent of the world's population who had to get visas for the UK, it said.
Although the statement downplayed the issue of terrorism, listing it as only one of a number of factors that were weighed up in the visa decision, media have linked the move to fears that South Africa has become a transit point for al-Qaeda operatives to gain entry to Britain.
Associated Press' London office on Monday quoted unnamed "security officials" as saying South Africa had become a new base for terrorist activity.
However Peter Gastrow, of the SA Institute for Security Studies, said these claims should be treated with great circumspection.
"It may or may not be correct, but I think we ought to be skeptical about it until they give us more reliable information," he said.
"The problem that one has with information which originates from real or imagined security agencies is there's hardly any member of the public who can assess the veracity of this claim.
"If we are told that the man from the moon is using South Africa as a springboard, how is it possible to assess this?"
Gastrow said he was always highly suspicious of such claims, and in the absence of supporting evidence, they had to be questioned.
Noting that there had been a general hardening of attitudes towards migration in the United Kingdom and some other European countries, he said the motive behind the visa move could well be purely political.
The action against South African visitors could be a way of defusing this pressure. Asked whether South Africa would retaliate with visa requirements for Britons, foreign affairs spokesman Ronnie Mamoepa said there was "no such decision by government".
He also said he was unaware of any directive by government to foreign affairs to protest the move. In 2007, 419,000 South Africans travelled to the UK legally, including 168,000 tourists and 46,200 business visitors. They are the fifth largest group of visitors to Britain behind those from the USA, Australia, Canada and Japan.
Sunday, 8 February 2009
From I Luv SA blog
Another great article by one of my favourite columnists. I s'pose it's time to start saying "I told you so". Now what? You bought the man's 'hopenchange' crap sandwich hook, line and sinker and now you are stuck with him - for four years. Er, how did it go, this is a good one, "it's time for the politics of hope over fear [insert best Obama voice impression]".
Now watch how many people will start to say, "I didn't vote for Obama". Oh really...hmm?
"A failure to act, and act now, will turn crisis into a catastrophe."
-- President Obama, Feb. 4.
WASHINGTON -- Catastrophe, mind you. So much for the president who in his inaugural address two weeks earlier declared "we have chosen hope over fear." Until, that is, you need fear to pass a bill.
And so much for the promise to banish the money changers and influence peddlers from the temple. An ostentatious executive order banning lobbyists was immediately followed by the nomination of at least a dozen current or former lobbyists to high position. Followed by a Treasury secretary who allegedly couldn't understand the payroll tax provisions in his 1040.
Followed by Tom Daschle, who had to fall on his sword according to the new Washington rule that no Cabinet can have more than one tax delinquent.
The Daschle affair was more serious because his offense involved more than taxes. As Michael Kinsley once observed, in Washington the real scandal isn't what's illegal, but what's legal. Not paying taxes is one thing. But what made this case intolerable was the perfectly legal dealings that amassed Daschle $5.2 million in just two years.
He'd been getting $1 million per year from a law firm. But he's not a lawyer, nor a registered lobbyist. You don't get paid this kind of money to instruct partners on the Senate markup process. You get it for picking up the phone and peddling influence.
At least Tim Geithner, the tax-challenged Treasury secretary, had been working for years as a humble international civil servant earning non-stratospheric wages. Daschle, who had made another cool million a year (plus chauffeur and Caddy) for unspecified services to a pal's private equity firm, represented everything Obama said he'd come to Washington to upend.
And yet more damaging to Obama's image than all the hypocrisies in the appointment process is his signature bill: the stimulus package. He inexplicably delegated the writing to Nancy Pelosi and the barons of the House. The product, which inevitably carries Obama's name, was not just bad, not just flawed, but a legislative abomination.
It's not just pages and pages of special-interest tax breaks, giveaways and protections, one of which would set off a ruinous Smoot-Hawley trade war. It's not just the waste, such as the $88.6 million for new construction for Milwaukee Public Schools, which, reports the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, have shrinking enrolment, 15 vacant schools and, quite logically, no plans for new construction.
It's the essential fraud of rushing through a bill in which the normal rules (committee hearings, finding revenue to pay for the programs) are suspended on the grounds that a national emergency requires an immediate job-creating stimulus -- and then throwing into it hundreds of billions that have nothing to do with stimulus, that Congress' own budget office says won't be spent until 2011 and beyond, and that are little more than the back-scratching, special-interest, lobby-driven parochialism that Obama came to Washington to abolish. He said.
Not just to abolish but to create something new -- a new politics where the moneyed pork-barreling and corrupt logrolling of the past would give way to a bottom-up, grass-roots participatory democracy. That is what made Obama so dazzling and new. Turns out the "fierce urgency of now" includes $150 million for livestock insurance.
The Age of Obama begins with perhaps the greatest frenzy of old-politics influence peddling ever seen in Washington. By the time the stimulus bill reached the Senate, reports The Wall Street Journal, pharmaceutical and high-tech companies were lobbying furiously for a new plan to repatriate overseas profits that would yield major tax savings. California wine growers and Florida citrus producers were fighting to change a single phrase in one provision. Substituting "planted" for "ready to market" would mean a windfall garnered from a new "bonus depreciation" incentive.
After Obama's miraculous 2008 presidential campaign, it was clear that at some point the magical mystery tour would have to end. The nation would rub its eyes and begin to emerge from its reverie. The hallucinatory Obama would give way to the mere mortal. The great ethical transformations promised would be seen as a fairy tale that all presidents tell -- and that this president told better than anyone.
I thought the awakening would take six months. It took two and a half weeks.
In politics some of the most important developments can often slip by unnoticed. It is easy enough to recognise the significance of the big events. But these are often merely the ultimate expression of a far more gradual, and much less noticed, change of mood in society. It is only when one looks back – and remembers how things once were – that it is possible to recognise the magnitude of the shift that has occurred.
As many reviews have noted, last year was a truly extraordinary one. In these circumstances it is easy to overlook a mere “change in the air” – but one that could be of great consequence. For could 2008 also be the year in which the liberation movement lost faith in its ideology?
Up until 2007 the ANC unrelentingly pursued, to borrow a phrase, the “harsh ends of an imperious racial nationalism”. The strategy and tactics document, formulated under the old party leadership that year and adopted at Polokwane, envisaged an unforgiving continuation of the dual policies of “demographic representivity” and “cadre deployment”.
“Affirmative action” measures, it stated, would be used to ensure “all centres of power and influence and other critical spheres of social endeavour become broadly representative of the country’s demographics”. Meanwhile, a high premium would continue to be placed, on the “involvement of (ANC) cadres in all centres of power”.
The basic pathology of this nationalism lay in the refusal to relent on such principles even when they, pushed past a certain point, started harming the real interests of the black majority. Whenever the negative consequences were exposed, the response was to deny the problem, ascribe any expression of it to the “demon of white racism”, and to press blindly onwards.
Last year something changed. The new ANC leadership made a concerted effort to reach out to working class Afrikaners and the Expropriation Bill was shelved, albeit temporarily. In a statement that would have been regarded as heresy a year before, the party’s new Treasurer-General Mathews Phosa described the ANC’s early efforts to hasten the exodus of white South Africans from the civil service as a “mistake”. And he acknowledged that this had “resulted in a skills vacuum in some areas of the public service”.
The new ANC leadership, once in command of government, appeared far more open to drawing on the skills and expertise of white South Africans. The appointment of Judge Edwin Cameron to the Constitutional Court was particularly symbolic in this regard. Cameron’s accession to the court had initially been blocked on racial grounds by Mbeki’s office back in 1999, shortly before Nelson Mandela stepped down as President. This time around there was but a belated protest against Cameron’s candidacy, by advocate Vuyani Ngalwana.
Shortly before the Judicial Services Commission was due to meet on December 12, Ngalwana submitted a 22-page paper objecting to Cameron’s possible appointment. He complained that one of the issues raised was “whether the replacement of an African Constitutional Court judge by a white man is desirable in light of the legislative framework to transform South African society in all its manifestations”.
The significance of this intervention was twofold. Firstly, Ngalwana’s paper lacked the kind of intellectual coherence that Mbeki always brought to defending this project. And, secondly, it was ignored. The JSC and Chief Justice informally recommended Cameron’s appointment and President Motlanthe approved it on December 31.
In a recent interview, Motlanthe advanced a more pragmatic approach to “affirmative action” and “cadre deployment”. He stated that our “skills deficits are so evident” that it was not possible to rely purely on affirmative action appointments. And, when asked about the adverse effects of cadre deployment, he spoke of the need “to strike a balance between the strategic objective of uniting all of our people – which requires us to tap all the available talents and skills we have – and the deployment of ANC members who we can rely on and who are familiar with our policies to government posts or in the economy”.
Perhaps equally significantly, the Congress of the People (Cope) has also shifted away from these formerly sacrosanct policies. It is worth remembering that the first deputy president of Cope, Mbhazima Shilowa, was a founder member of the ANC’s national deployment committee. This was the body set up in 1998 to implement the policy of deploying cadres to head up all key centres of power.
In that same year he was named – along with another senior Cope figure, Philip Dexter, and Joel Netshitenzhe – as a co-author of a document which declared that, “Transformation of the State entails, first and foremost, extending the power of the national liberation movement over all levers of power: the army, the police, the bureaucracy, intelligence structures, the judiciary, parastatals, and agencies such as regulatory bodies, the public broadcaster, the central bank and so on”.
As premier of Gauteng, from 1999 onwards, Shilowa was also a strident proponent of “affirmative action”. Early into his first term he told the provincial Legislature that, “we will implement affirmative action even as racists brand it reverse racism”. He went on to claim, in a number of subsequent speeches, that: “Through an assertive programme of affirmative action, we continue to place more and more black people in senior positions within the public service.” In his second term of office, he argued: “The further transformation of the public service must have as its cornerstone the aggressive implementation of affirmative action.” Yet, as a leader of the ANC breakaway, Shilowa has displayed little desire to perpetuate the narrow Africanism of the Mbeki era. The party’s president, Terror Lekota, has called for a more non- racial and class based approach to affirmative action and the new party has gone out of its way to recruit a multi-racial leadership.
Cope’s conference resolutions acknowledge that among the “unintended consequences” of affirmative action have been “nepotism and cronyism in the public service”, “exclusion of whites from the public service”, and inefficiency in the economy and the State. The resolutions also call for an immediate halt to “the practice of ‘deployment of cadres’, which has often resulted in jobs- for-pals and has built in a culture of corruption”.
In trying to make sense of this, it is necessary to insert the usual cautionaries. There are obviously huge vested interests in the continuation of the racial policies put in place during the Mbeki era. There is also still a broad commitment by both the ANC and Cope to the basic tenets of African nationalism. Depressingly, the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions – two organisations which should know better – have taken to playing the race card against Lekota. They have also started talking up the self- serving “Africanism” of the black elite which Cope has, to its credit, tried to move away from.
There is also a powerful lobby in the new ANC which plans to reassert control over key institutions of State through another round of crude political appointments. One of those punted as being Vusi Pikoli’s successor as National Director of Public Prosecutions is former Limpopo premier Ngoako Ramatlhodi. An ANC NEC member is quoted saying: “We will insist that Ramatlhodi be sent to head the NPA. That institution has been used to persecute ANC leaders and we need someone who will bring an end to all of that.”
Despite all this it would, I think, be a mistake to underestimate the significance of what is happening – a loosening of the hold of the old ideology over the new ANC and its breakaway.
Friday, 6 February 2009
Barack Obama warns us all that we need to be good global citizens and understand that we can’t keep our thermostats at 72 degrees… yet when its icy in Washington DC he has the heat turned up in the Oval Office so high that you could “grow orchids“.
Joe Biden calls paying taxes patriotic and Barack Obama warns us that we all need to pay our fair share and take care of the “least of these” yet neither give much at all to charity. If you think a cause such as third-world country abortions is so worthy, why not give your own money to it? Or is it just better to take the money of American taxpayers to support your causes so you can hold on to your own wealth?
Speaking of taxes, are the new Treasury Secretary and the Health and Human Services Secretary nominee unpatriotic because they failed to pay thousands of dollars in taxes? And if they get a free pass on tax evasion (a federal crime) then do the rest of Americans get a Presidential-endorsed excuse?
Barack Obama lambasted President Bush and Washington for employing lobbyists in government, and attacked John McCain for having former lobbyists on his campaign staff. Obama promised during his campaign that lobbyists “won’t find a job in my White House“. Yet days after taking office, Obama has appointed or approved a number of lobbyists to work in his administration.
And while President Obama promised his stimulus package would be without pork and would be highly targeted to get the economy moving again, very little of the package is actually stimulus, and is actually mostly pork. While President Obama promised there was no ownership on ideas and that the best ideas would be used to create jobs and get the economy moving, by Team Obama’s own numbers the GOP Plan creates more jobs and costs taxpayers considerably less, yet he isn’t considering their plan because he “won“. Hundreds of economists, Nobel Laureates included, oppose Obama’s so-called stimulus plan.
We all know that Obama is having problems mending fences with our enemies … because they hate us. He has also angered several of our allies since winning the election. I wrote about it here, here and here. However, that list has now grown to include more of our allies than were ever angry at Bush for his policy in Iraq.
That’s one impressive list Mr. President. Bush only angered four or so allies, and two of them got caught violating international law and arming Saddam illegally.
Thursday, 5 February 2009
January 30 2009 at 11:11AM
A goat in Nigeria is being held on suspicion of attempted armed robbery.
A group of concerned citizens turned the creature over to police, claiming it was a robber who had used black magic to transform himself into a goat.
Police spokesman Tunde Mohammed said: “The group of vigilante men came to report that while they were on patrol they saw some hoodlums attempting to rob a car. They pursued them.
However one of them escaped while the other turned into a goat. We cannot confirm the story but the goat is in custody.”
Residents flocked to see the imprisoned animal, whose story made the national news. - Bang Bizarre
Durban - Violent storms can be prevented in KwaZulu-Natal if 2009 is made a year of renewed care for the environment, environmental affairs MEC Mtolephi Mthimkhulu said on Thursday.
“Over the past two months KZN has been the playground for bad weather as a result of global changes.”
He said the changes were a direct result of the “unfriendly way we have been treating our environment”.
“… violent storms, heavy rain, wind… can be prevented only if we can all make this year a year of renewed care for the environment,” he said. Mthimkhulu said the department’s objectives were to fight the global weather changes by helping children understand global warming.
The department together with Independent Publishers are expected to produce a book for school children to study global warming. “Through this book, we hope to ensure that learners correctly understand the impact of global warming,” said the MEC.
His address at the Hilton Hotel in Durban comes after several violent thunderstorms devastated various parts of the province. Since the start of the year at least 20 people have died in separate storms, some of whom were struck dead by lightning while inside their homes.
By Mike Smith
That is right. You heard me. We Whites want our country, South Africa, back. In 1994 we gave you a perfectly functioning; first world country and you went and stuffed it all up. You have proved yourselves and your useless ANC government a monumental failure of epic proportions. In the entire history of South Africa there has never been a more corrupt and racist bunch of clowns in charge who masquerades as a legitimate government.
We gave you a chance to change everything that worked in South Africa into your image, but you stuffed it up. Our once excellent hospitals, universities, Police force, military…everything you have touched so far turned into crap.
We want our country back. What is it going to take? We gave you a working first world country, we will be receiving back a Third World, and crime infested hellhole. But we are willing to make some sacrifices. All we want to know is how much is it going to cost us?
We know how you blacks are suffering under the ANC. You suffer even worse than the Whites. You thought that when Blacks (like the ANC) take power everything will be moonshine and roses with unlimited partying everyday…well, be honest. Did it turn out that way? No. Not at all. Maybe now you Blacks can see it is better to work for the White man than for a Black man.
You blacks are today under ANC/ Communist rule poorer than you ever were. Most blacks are talking, whispering and thinking to themselves…”Things were better when the White man was in charge”.
We knew it all along. We told you this would happen, just like we told you what would happen in Zimbabwe. We told you the ANC and the Communist were lying to you, but you chose not to believe us. You chose to believe the Communists, because they were Black like you. The Communists promised you the sun, moon and stars and you believed them. Fifteen years later and the ANC have not delivered on a single thing they promised the Blacks of South Africa. They have just taken and consumed. Even exploiting their own Black people. The ANC are parasites… leeches on society. Everything has gone backwards and has been destroyed by the ANC. Soon you Blacks will be starving and dying of Cholera just like your buddies in Zimbabwe, but Zimbabweans still have SA to run to, you will have nowhere to run.
It is time you Blacks start thinking, before it is too late. What is it you want for the ruins of South Africa? We know you blacks do not really want to govern a country or have a job. You do not want to work at all. You just want to be given some money at the end of the week so you can give some to the wife for food and the rest you want to drink out with your buddies in the shebeen.
So what is it you want? You want a house? We will build you a house.
You want food? We will deliver it by the truckload to your door. You want a monthly allowance, tell us and we can make a plan. We can even deliver some Brandy and Whiskey for you. Anti retroviral drugs for HIV? The ANC cannot deliver, we will give each person with HIV a shithouse full. It is not a big deal to us at all. We know we can do this. If one drug dealer can churn out billions of Mandrax tablets then surely the government can churn out billions of anti-retrovirals.
So here is the deal. We want nothing from you Blacks. Not your labour, not your money, nothing. We just want our country back. That’s it. We will take it “voetstoots”, “as is”. We will charge you nothing for damages to infrastructure such as hospitals, schools, government buildings, roads, etc. We will even change all the place names back to what it was at our own cost. We will rewrite the truth about our history again and print new history books ourselves. The old ones that only contain ANC struggle history, you can keep. On top of it we will give you your own countries, the former homelands with a piece of land, a house, some corn fields and some cows. Further we will pay you a monthly allowance so you can live comfortably. We will build you again some schools and hospitals, even some universities. You don’t have to come and work on our farms and in our mines anymore. We will even chuck in a few free samoosas and some KFC for you guys, just to show you how sincere we are.
These are promises we know we can keep, because we have done it before.
All we ask is that you stay on your side of the fence from now on. Peace and quiet for us and peace and quiet for you. We do not want trouble with anyone. We will mechanize all our White commercial farms and our mines. In and around our houses we will do all the work ourselves. You Blacks can lie in the sun the whole day and in the evenings you can sit around the fire and tell stories to your children. We know it is what you really want to do. We know you do not really want to get up in the morning and work in the White man’s house or on his farm.
Don’t worry about us Whites. We will be fine without Blacks. We will show you it is actually possible to live without your help. We will get on with the job and fix everything that you have stuffed up. Raise our own children. We Whites actually do not mind work so much. If we need more people to do all the WORK, we will call on some European countries to supply us with some more Whites.
It is a win-win situation. You blacks get what you want, and we get what we want. Peace and happiness for everyone. You do not even have to vote for a White party. Just stay at home. Vote for nobody. Especially not the ANC or COPE. If you really want to, you can vote for a White Party, but otherwise, don’t bother. It is better to sleep late or have a braai on Election Day. Who wants to stand in a queue in the hot sun the whole day anyway? Have a nice braai and get drunk. Tell the ANC to stick their ballot papers. Nobody can eat or drink ballot papers.
Once we Whites are in charge again, we will look after you Blacks like we did before. We will guard you at night so you can sleep peacefully and not fear being robbed, raped and murdered by other Blacks. We will keep Zimbabweans and Nigerians out of the country that only comes here to sell their fake shoes and steal your women.
Just give the country back to the Whites and everything will be OK again. You will see.
We know that deep down; it is what you really want to do anyway.
Tuesday, 3 February 2009
The Democratic Alliance is calling for the immediate resignation of Khaya Ngqula, the chief executive of South African Airways.
Noting reports in the Sunday Times this weekend that Ngqula was under investigation after the airline had awarded a R3.5bn catering contract to one of his business partners, Manie van Dyk who speaks for the DA on public enterprises, said: "We have in the past repeatedly called for a forensic audit of SAA's affairs.
Now that the deaf ears of Minister Alec Erwin have been replaced by Brigitte Mabandla, we once again call on the new minister to conduct a full forensic audit on the finances of SAA at all levels of management."
Van Dyk lists a number of allegations against Ngqula which he ascribes to the chief executive's incompetence.
They include, he said, R1bn losses in four of the past six years; the retrenchment of 1 192 employees; the resignation of 53 pilots and 217 technicians; and the controversial retention bonuses paid out to select managers.
"Despite losing more than R16.6bn since 2002 (which has cost the taxpaying public more than R8.9bn in handouts) Mr Ngqula remains in his position and continues to receive retention bonuses despite being wholly ineligible for performance bonuses.
"His hubris extends to his consistent snubbing of parliament's oversight role. Despite fielding a further R1.9bn loss in 2008, Mr Ngqula and his management team were unable to find the time to report to the Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises last year."
SAA boss lies about R70,000 a month bonus Source
You are getting an extra R70,000 a month. Bullshit!
This is what South African Airways boss Khaya Ngqula told South Africans on national television when confronted about a monthly bonus of close to R70,000 that the airline is paying him to stay in his job.“Oh, that is not true. Gosh, I’d love to earn R70,000 a month. That’s definitely not true... it’s fantasy and wishful thinking,” he said.
But today Business Times can reveal that the SAA CEO lied about the staggering R68,750 monthly payment he received — in addition to his annual R5.3-million salary — to turn the ailing airline into a profitable parastatal.
Two weeks ago, in an interview on pay channel M-Net’s Carte Blanche programme, Ngqula disputed claims that he earned the bonus and said it was simply untrue. When pressed on the matter, Ngqula lashed out: “Bullshit... it’s rubbish.”
Ngqula is not the only SAA executive to receive fat monthly payments. Top executives and other “key” staff in on the scheme will cost the government an estimated R24-million a year until November 2010, when it expires.
This week Business Times established that the airline’s controversial retention bonus scheme is in full flight — and has already paid out the embattled airline’s managers R9-million since November last year when it was implemented.
Ngqula’s team of 17 executives has already raked in R3.9-million.
The high-flying executive team’s monthly bonuses range from R68750 for Ngqula to R16,000 for lower-ranking staff. On Friday, the airline’s human resources general manager Bhabhalazi Bulunga, who incidentally scores R33,000 a month on top of his R1.6-million annual salary package, told Business Times that a total of 127 managers across the airline were getting extra rewards every month.
The Truth About SAA CEO - Khaya Ngqula Source
15 trips by helicopter to meetings in Gauteng within driving distance of each other, at a cost of R350,000.
The airline embarked on a massive cost-cutting programme that included slashing the coffee budget for staff at its head office in Kempton Park.
Perks include a 745 BMW, a bodyguard and a personal chauffeur — that has cost taxpayers more than R500,000 in helicopter trips, the chartering of an airplane for a 30-minute flight between France and England. The airline signed a contract with a private company for executive travel Henley Air and said that R400,000 had been made available for this. Bell helicopters used for more than 15 journeys - Bell 206B JetRanger helicopters which is usually leased for around R4,350 an hour.
On February 28, Ngqula, who has a holiday home in the south of France, chartered a plane from Toulouse to London. SAA paid French company Dassault Falcon Service more than R100,000 for the brief journey and justified this as being in the “normal course of Ngqula’s duties between the two cities”
The flight would have cost R3288 on Air France if it had been booked via SAA in Johannesburg Ngqula had stayed at The Dorchester-Ngqula’s staff at Airways Park no longer drink top-brand coffee, he spent £1,550 on a two-night stay in March, including breakfast at over R400.
Motlanthe perpetuates Mbeki’s Great Lie about Zim
In July 2003, US President George Bush met President Thabo Mbeki in Pretoria and declared that he would not second-guess South Africa’s policy of “quiet diplomacy” in regard to Zimbabwe.
“The president [Mbeki] is the point man on [Zimbabwe],” said Bush, who was on his first trip to sub-Saharan Africa as president.
Bush went on to declare: “He [Mbeki] believes he’s making good progress. I think Mr Mbeki can be an honest broker.”
Bush was bamboozled by Mbeki, who, even then, was not an honest broker in the Zimbabwe matter. He was doing his best to protect Robert Mugabe from censure from the likes of retired archbishop Desmond Tutu, the UN and his own people. Even as journalists were being jailed and newspapers shut in Zimbabwe, Mbeki shamelessly marshalled South Africa’s foreign affairs muscle to the protection of this one man on all and any international platforms.
In the meantime, Mugabe was terrorising the opposition and ordinary citizens. His cronies were looting state coffers. And, while schoolchildren were forced to stay at home for lack of teachers, the children of Mugabe and his cronies were schooled in foreign countries.
Fast forward to this year (when Zimbabwe is in an utter shambles ) and the telephone conversation between the new US president, Barack Obama, and (the newish) South African president, Kgalema Motlanthe, last Wednesday.
White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said the two leaders talked about their “shared concerns” about Zimbabwe.
“President Obama emphasised the importance of South Africa’s leadership role as a strong and vibrant democracy in Africa,” Gibbs said. “The president noted that South Africa holds a key role in helping to find a resolution to the political crisis in Zimbabwe.”
Here we go again. As I write this, the South African government and the SADC leaders have, once again, been trumpeting to the world that there has been an agreement on Zimbabwe. Frank Chikane, the director-general in the presidency and a point man on the issue, said on Wednesday: “It has been tough, but we are there.”
Chikane said the agreement was on the formation of an all-party government and it set a new timetable for the accomplishment of each stage of the agreement. He said that the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC — despite its statement that reports of its agreement were “malicious” — was part of the deal.
And so let’s all sit up and applaud. But should we? Something truly fundamental and absolutely essential to our future conduct as a country was compromised by the Zimbabwe imbroglio.
That thing was the ability to articulate and stick to a true, clear moral line. It was for the good people of the world (one wishes we South Africans could count ourselves among them) to stand up and say that something truly horrible is happening to our northern neighbour, or in any other place on earth.
But we did not stand up.
Last week’s deal continues the lie that two equally legitimate protagonists are in competition for power in Zimbabwe. That is a lie perpetuated by the Mbeki government and carried on by the Motlanthe government.
The truth is that Mugabe is a dictatorial monster who has killed and tortured his own people. He is a despot not worthy of the support this country has given him.
Tsvangirai, for all his dithering and lack of spine under the pressure of the likes of the SADC’s leaders, fights on the good side of humanity. We should have condemned Mugabe for the multiple horrors he has unleashed on his people and given succour to Tsvangirai.
Instead, Mbeki saw fit to join Mugabe in calling Tsvangirai a puppet of the West.
The words of Cosatu leader Zwelinzima Vavi reverberate with an indisputable truth. Vavi said last week that Motlanthe could have taken decisive action by saying that he was withdrawing South Africa’s acceptance of Mugabe as the legitimate president of Zimbabwe.
Instead, Motlanthe has, at all points in the past four months, slavishly followed Mbeki’s discredited and shambolic line of appeasing the dictator while rubbishing Tsvangirai and painting him as the spoiler.
“We are not quite excited by our current government led by Comrade Motlanthe’s take on the issue. It is disappointing to say the least,” Vavi said.
So what now? It might well be that Tsvangirai accepts the sham deal brokered by the SADC and sits at the high table with Mugabe. But we have been here before and within minutes of that agreement Mugabe will be jailing activists and generally behaving badly.
Motlanthe and the SADC? They will join Mbeki as the men who propped up a dictator.
Obama would do well not to tarnish his name by linking his Zimbabwe policy to theirs.